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assertions about individual officer decisions based on the examination of aggregate incident level <br />data. In short, one cannot "prove" that an rndividual officer has "racially profiled" any individual <br />motorist based on the rate at which a department stops any given group of motorists. <br />Additional interpretation problems remain in regards to the specific measurement of "racial <br />profiling" as defined by Texas state code. For example, officers are currently forced to make <br />subjective determinations regarding an individual's race based on his or her personal <br />observations because the Texas Deparhnent of Public Safety does not provide an objectively- <br />based determination of an individual's race/ethnicity on the Texas driver's license. The absence <br />of any verifiable race/ethnicity data on the driver's license is especially troubling given the racial <br />diversity within the city of Paris. The validity of any racial/ethnic disparities discovered in the <br />aggregate level data becomes threatened in direct proportion to the number of subjective <br />"guesses" officers are forced to make when trying to determine an individual's racial/ethnic <br />background. <br />in addition, the data collected for the current report does not allow for an analysis that separates <br />(or disaggregates) the discretionary decisions of officers to stop a motorist from those that are <br />largely non-discretionary. For example, non-discretionary stops of motorists based on the <br />discovery of outstanding warrants should not be analyzed in terms of whether or not "profiling" <br />has occurred simply because the officer who has stopped a motorist as a result of the discovery <br />of an outstanding warrant does not independently make the decision to stop, but rather, is <br />reyuired to stop that individual regardless of any determination of race. An officer cannot be <br />determined to be "racially profiling" when organizational rules and state codes compel them to <br />stop regardless of an individual's race/ethnicity. Straightforward aggregate comparisons of stop <br />rates ignore these realities, and fail to distinguish between discretionary and non-discretionary <br />law enforcement actions. In the future, this validity issue could be lessened by the collection of <br />data indicating the initial reason for the traffic stop, whether it be an observed traffic violation, <br />other crimi��al activity, the existence of an outstanding warrant, or some other reason. <br />Finally, there has been considerable debate as to what the most appropriate population "base- <br />rate" is in determining whether or not racial/ethnic disparities exist. As the current analysis <br />shows in regards to the use of city and county population base-rates, the outcome of analyses <br />designed to determine whether or not disparities exist is obviously dependent on which base-rate <br />is used. In addition, recent population changes in the city of Paris exacerbates problems <br />associated with determining appropriate base-rates because measures derived from the U.S. <br />Census can become quickly outdated. Although this report utilized the mare recent 2010 Census, <br />this population measure will become quickly outdated as well. <br />Related to the above, the determination of valid stop base-rates becomes multiplied if analyses <br />fail to distinguish between residents and non-residents who are stopped, because the existence of <br />signiiicant proportions of non-resident stops will lead to invalid conclusions if racial/ethnic <br />comparisons are made exclusively to resident population figures. <br />In short, the methodological problems outlined above point to the limited utility of using <br />aggregate level comparisons of the rates at which different racia]/ethnic groups are cited in order <br />to determine whether or not racial profiling exists within a given jurisdiction. <br />- �� 12 3 <br />